John (Jack) Gower, HMS Malaya
and the Battle of Jutland, 1916

The photo left, of Jack, Alice and Queenie, was probably taken in October 1915 (click on it for a bigger version). Within the next few months Private John Gower, Royal Marines Light Infantry, was assigned to HMS Malaya, a new 'super-dreadnought' battlecruiser, built in 1915.

The ship was initially based at Scapa Flow, in the Orkneys, with the British 'Grand Fleet' but then moved to Rosyth, near Edinburgh, on May 22, 1916.

On the night of May 30 the Malaya sailed out to the North Sea and into the Battle of Jutland the next day. Jack was badly burned when the ship was attacked, and died of his wounds on June 10, two weeks after returning to base.

All the extracts below are from 'Juland 1916 - Death in Grey Waters'' by Nigel Steel & Peter Hart, published by Cassell, 2003. ISBN 0-304-36648-X. Click on the book cover to go to amazon.co.uk for reviews and to buy the book.

The quoted paragraphs below are all from men on board the Malaya. The sub-headings are the chapters in the book (photos from various other sources).

The Long Wait

. . . [Admiral Sir John] Jellicoe sent the vessels down to join Beatty at Rosyth on 22nd May. . . . Barham, Malaya, Valiant and Warspite

First Contact

. . . Tuesday, May 30th, . . . got under way about 8 o'clock British Summer Time . . . The huge ships raised anchor, manoeuvered round and then moved under the Forth Bridge. . . . The Fifth Battle Squadron consisted of the mighty Barham, Valiant, Warspite and Malaya.
[photo right: Forth Bridge from 'Malaya']

[Wednesday, May 31] I had the morning watch and had seized the oppotunity of two hours sleep after lunch in the gunroom armchair, before going on again for the first 'dog'. I was woken by some excited conversation on the part of the midshipmen, one of them had just come down from the bridge and said there was a 'buzz' that a German destroyer had been sighted by 'someone', 'somewhere' - it didn't sound very promising. The steward was laying the table for tea, we never sat down to it, as just at 3.30 the bugles sounded for 'Action' and we all ran to our stations. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Aboard the Malaya, Frederick Arnold reported to the main wireless office on the Royal Marine's mess deck where he waited to be assigned duties.

We could feel the ship hastily increasing speed, the racing of the engines from the boiler and engine rooms below our feet, the whining of the electric fans, the shivering of the ship at intervals - all tending to create a tense situation - everybody below decks wondering what is going on outside. Down below decks we, like the vast majority of ships companies of the modern warships, never see any of the actual enemy or the fighting. We, like the stokers, engine room personnel and many, many others, we were all 'wheels' within one big machine, with our parts to play, we just had to carry on with our vital duties, as part of the fighting machine, just guessing, wondering, hazarding what was actually occurring up on deck. - Wireless Telegraphist Frederick Arnold

The raison d'etre of the battlecruisers and super-dreadnoughts was their main armament gun turrets . . . the 15-inch gun turrets of the Barham, Valiant, Warspite and Malaya were very similar in the way in which they operated.

Morale was high indeed. Although many of the battlecruiser crews had been in action before at Dogger Bank, the vast majority of the crews had in no sense been fully exposed to the horrors that lurked behind the glories of naval warfare. To them it was the supreme moment of realization.

Our excitement and surprise may be imagined. Faces at once brightened and glasses scanned the horizon for a sight of the enemy. The pessimists still held out that, in all probability, it was some wretched enemy light cruisers that would escape us. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

At all levels of command, officers and men made their final preparations.

I had a hurried look round to see that all was well and told the men what I could, viz, "That we might expect to meet anything from an enemy light cruiser to the High Seas Fleet and that 'B' Turret had to get off the maximum number of rounds allowed by the control. We had, up to date, been favoured by luck, but we must be ready for anything and not miss a salvo." The men were greatly cheered by the news, assured me that not a chance would be missed to ease off a round at the Huns and at once began to make little extra preparations, taking off superfluous clothing etc. They made all sorts of weird and wonderful jokes as to what would happen to any German ship that should be so unfortunate as to come within range of us. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

The Run to the South

From the still distant Malaya of the Fifth Battle Squadron, Sub-Lieutenant Caslon watched this Wagnerian duel through a 5-inch slit in the armour.

I could not see the enemy, who were on the far side of the battlecruisers, but I could see the splashes of their shells falling around our ships. Both Tillstone and I were watching absolutely fascinated, and suddenly he said, "Look at that!" I thought for an instant that the last ship in the line had fired all her guns at once, as there was a much bigger flame, but the flame grew and grew till it was about 300 feet high, and the whole ship was hidden in a dense cloud of yellow brown smoke. This cloud hung in the air for some minutes and when it finally dispersed there was no sign of the ship. Although I did not know the order of the battlecruiser line, I had a feeling it was the Indefatigable in which I had a very great friend. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

It was only at 16.05 that the 'forgotten squadron' finally sighted the German battlecruisers, and they opened fire at extreme range a minute or so later. After the initial rounds the Barham and Valiant fired at the Moltke while the Warspite and Malaya aimed at the Von der Tann.

[later] The four super-dreadnoughts were still hard at it, hammering away at Hipper's battlecruisers.

When the Seydlitz was hit she turned about 5 points away, but shortly afterwards resumed her course. Very soon after, I remember thinking they must be zig-zagging as we were several times wrong for deflection. During this time the enemy were firing quickly but wildly. We fired quickly for the first few salvoes, but as the light grew worse, our firing became more deliberate and the range closed. I did not have much time to note how the firing of the other ships fared. All I remember is that the enemy ships all seemed to be having a bad time and that they appeared to be obliterated by splashes of our shell. I distinctly remember noting that the Seydlitz appeared badly on fire shortly after being hit by our shells, and that the third ship also appeared to be on fire. The battle continued in this manner until 4.50pm. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

. . . for another four or five minutes the Fifth Battle Squadron carried on racing to the south. As it dawned on those few who were aware of what was happening, that they were now fast approaching the High Seas Fleet alone, it was apparent that they had good reason to be afraid, even though they were aboard the most powerful ships afloat.

Up to this time the shooting for us had been like a 'peace' battle practice. I felt that according to the rules of the game, the German battlecruisers ought not to remain much longer afloat if only the light held. I had not up to date thought much of the dangers of being hit by a projectile except perhaps just before the action, when my mind did certainly wander on the gruesome prospects of naval action. Now, however, matters took a different complexion. We were closing the High Seas Fleet at a rate of 40 knots and there was every propect of being engaged with them in a very short space of time. My feelings at that time are rather hard to analyse, for as things were happening quite quickly, I had not much time for thinking whether I was frightened or not, but I dare say that if I had stopped to think, I should have been. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

At last around 16.54, the offending signal was hauled down and thus became executive. Only then did the Fifth Battle Squadron begin their delayed turn. At this point the order to turn in succession, which had earlier seemed merely overly fussy, was supremely dangerous. The German III Battle Squadron could concentrate their fire on the point at which the super-dreadnoughts would all pass in their turn. True, their spotting would be rendered difficult by the forest of splashes in such a small area, but, on the other hand, their target was a static point in the ocean.

I must confess to a feeling of relief when I realised we were to turn round, though not at it being done in succession. When it was the turn of the Malaya to turn, the turning point was a very hot corner, as of course the enemy had concetrated on that point. The shells were pouring at a very rapid rate and it is doubtful if we, the last ship in the line, could get through without at least a very severe hammering. However the Captain decided at that point, by turning the ship early. When we had turned, or rather as I was turning my turret to the starboard side, I saw our battlecruisers who were proceeding northerly at full speed, were already quite 8,000 yards ahead of us, engaging the German battlecruisers. I then realised that the four of us alone - Barham, Warspite, Valiant and Malaya - would have to entertain the High Seas Fleet. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

Thanks to the decisive action precipitated by Captain Algernon Boyle, the Malaya had got through her moment of extreme peril. But she was not entirely without a scratch.

We were hit twice both times on the armour, with no damage. This was my first experience of being hit. The whole ship seemed to jar, but I didn't notice the noise of the explosion to any particular extent. One might compare the sensation to the feeling in one's arm if one takes a sledge hammer and brings it down as hard as possible on an anvil, keepings one's arms rigid. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Although it had been a close run thing, the Fifth Battle Sqadron had, for the moment, got away with their over-close exposure to the full force of their many enemies.

The Run to the North

After their turn the Fifth Battle Squadron steamed north, following Beatty's battlecruisers. Behind them in hot pursuit came the III Battle Squadron of the High Seas Fleet. The Barham, Valiant, Warspite and Malaya were thus exposed to an alarming concentration of fire from the guns of the leading German dreadnoughts with many miles to cover before there was any chance of meeting the [British] Grand Fleet.

. . . the already severely battered Von Der Tann, still bringing up the rear, aimed her sole remaining operational 11-inch turret at the Malaya . . . The Barham and Valiant targeted the German battlecruisers; behind them the Warspite and Malaya aimed at the leading German battleships . .

. . . at 17.15 Scheer ordered another turn to port to a course of north-west. Whatever the imagined maximum speed of the Fifth Battle Squadron it was clear that they could not shake off the German König class dreadnoughts that made up the III Battle Squadron. As the German battleships slowly clawed themselves into range, the concentration of fire they achieved against the rear ships increased exponentially.

Their salvoes began to arrive thick and fast. From my position in the turret I could see them fall just short, could hear them going just over and several times saw a great column of black water fall on the top of the turret roof. I expected at any moment we should get a nasty knock and I realised that if any one of those many shells falling round us should hit us in the right place, our speed would be sadly reduced and that we should not then stand a very good chance. The salvoes at this time were coming at a rate of six to nine a minute. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

At 17.19, enthused by the possibilities inherent in the situation, Scheer issued the order that threw caution to the winds: 'Pursue the enemy!' The Malaya, as the hindmost ship was in severe danger and to some extent her continued survival depended purely on luck. If any hit slowed her speed by an appreciable amount she would face obliteration. Her armour would not be able to protect her against the kind of close-range battering she would inevitably receive if the entire High Seas Fleet overhauled her.

Malaya was at first very lucky and although shells were falling all round and the ship deluged in spray, she wasn't hit much. During this time the range was still too great (about 18,000 yards) for my 6" guns to be in action, and I remained a spectator. It was extraordinarily fascinating - the visibility was bad and it was difficult to see the German battleships distinctly, but one could see the flashes of their guns with great distictness, and then afrter an interval of 30 seconds the salvoes would fall round the ship. During this time we never had less than three ships firing at us and sometimes more. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Her luck could not, and did not, last. At 17.20 the Malaya received a serious hit abreast of her 'B' Turret where Lieutenant Patrick Brind was stationed.

I saw a large column of water rise up between my guns and felt the turret shake heavily. We had been hit abreast the turret, below the water line and so heavy was the shock that I feared our fighting efficiency must have been gravely impaired, not so much that the shell had pierced any part of the turret, but that the shock of the impact had seriously impaired our loading arrangements. I went into the gunhouse to enquire whether all was well below and received the report that they had been somewhat shaken by the blow but that everything seemed all right. This proved too optimistic an estimate, for when the main cage arrived in the working chamber it was found that the shell could not be withdrawn and there was a proper jam up. I dashed down and we had to work hard to clear it. After what seemed an age, but could not really have been long we succeeded and by extemporary means managed to get the cage into working order again. During this time the secondary method of loading was in use for the right gun and although five rounds had to be loaded in this manner the turret never missed a chance to fire. This was very pleasing as the secondary method of loading is considered very slow. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

At 17.27 they received a further heavy hit, this time further aft on 'X' Turret. To try to baffle the German range finders, Captain Algernon Boyle ordered his starboard secondary battery of 6-inch guns to fire deliberately well short into the sea in order to throw up a wall of waterspouts. Royal Marine Private John Harris was detailed to man the ammunition hoist of the starboard battery.

I was put on ammunition hoist by Sergeant Wood, affectionately known as 'Timber', who gave me the orders, "Pass up common shell, lyddite, shrapnel . . . " Orders given through the voice pipe to the shell room below. We had now gone into independent firing, when the First Gunnery Lieutenant came up and I asked, "How are we doing, Sir?" "Not too bad!" he replied, you have one to your credit, another on fire astern. Going to the voice pipe he said, "You all right below?" A voice came up, "All right down here Jack!" thinking it was me! It was misty, bad visibility, hit and run. - Private John Harris, Royal Marine Light Infantry

HMS Malaya, showing the 6" starboard gun battery - the smaller guns along the side - where Jack Gower was stationed with other Marines.

Although imaginative, the water screen idea was to be stillborn, for at 17.30 the Malaya received a severe direct hit into the starboard 6-inch battery. The consequences were dreadful.

A German battleship took up position on our right and let us have it broadside on with everything she had. Shells ripped through the armour plating like a knife through cheese.One shell dropped amidships, came down through the deck head and exploded. It ignited our ammunition charges throwing every man off his feet. We lay half stunned until the dreaded cry, "FIRE!!" It was soon roaring like a furnace and we were trapped by watertight doors. - Private John Harris, Royal Marine Light Infantry

The shell burst on the No.3 gun, killing all the crew and igniting the cordite that had been placed on trolleys to the rear of the guns by the ammunition party. Even from his position high aloft in the foretop Paymaster Keith Lawder could see the seriousness of the fire.

I looked over the top and the flames from the burning cordite were coming out through the gun ports pretty well as far as the muzzles of the 6" guns. - Assistant Paymaster Keith Lawder

The flash fire swept from end to end of the starboard battery, causing severe caualties.

My Gun Control Tower was filled with fumes and blue smoke, and we were knocked backwards, but it cleared immediately and there was no damage. Souther again called down from the foretop to know if I was all right, and I told him, "Yes". I put my face to the battery voicepipe to enquire for them, but there was no need to ask, I could hear the most terrible pandemonium, and the groans and cries of wounded men. I heard one man call out, "Water, we're buring." - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

In these desperate circumstances, Caslon was given permission to go down and see what he could do to help. But reaching the scene of the fire proved easier said than done.

The only way down was by a ladder which led into the port battery, and on arrival there I found all the lights out, and a crowd of men who were having difficulty in joining up a hose to the fire main. This was soon put right and then a Petty Officer said that the door at the forward end dividing the port battery from the starboard was jammed. In the meantime the Lieutenant and Midshipman of the port battery went to the dividing door at the after end of the battery with a party, to try and get a hose in that way.- Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

They had no time to lose and Caslon decided to back a hunch.

I felt sure that the forward door was not jammed, as it was much too heavy, and so went forward to see, and, as I expected, found that they had missed one of the clips in the darkness. While I was knocking this back the men with the hose just behind me were playing it all over me, and I remember very distinctly using bad language at them about it. I only mention this because, when the door swung open, a big sheet of flame came through, and the fact of my being wet probably saved me from being nastily burnt. Immediately afterwards five blackened figures rushed out - they were the survivors from No 1 gun. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

The mental anguish and corresponding relief of those men seemingly doomed to the most horrible of deaths, only to be reprieved at the very last moment, can barely be imagined.

I ran to the nearest door, pulled down the levers but could not open it - jammed. I got back and jumped at it three times and knocked it open. The guns crew on the port side scattered like sheep as the fire came over my head. A naval officer came up and said, "What happened?" I replied, "Get the men out quickly or they will soon be dead!" As I spoke he pulled a mask over his head down to his waist and went through - it was not to save the men but to turn on the water which flooded the gun deck and so saved the ship. He should have been awarded the VC. - Private John Harris, Royal Marine Light Infantry

Caslon and others went through to rescue any survivors and to try to put out the flames.

The first person I saw was the gunroom steward, who had been laying the table for tea - these ratings usually form part of the ammunition supply party, or stretcher bearers, or something like that - he was half burnt from head to foot. The right half of his hair, face, shirt and trouser all gone and seemed dazed, but walking andotherwise all right. He asked me where to go and I gave him to a leading seaman to be taken to the dressing station. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Speed was of the essence if the burnt men were to be saved, the fire put put and an assessment made of how many 6-inch guns were still serviceable if crews could be found.

We got the fire under to a certain degree and were able to pull a number of the wounded out. I left them men from the port battery doing this and returned to the port battery myself, where I found McCulloch, who had got in by the door at the after end, but considered we would get at the fire best by getting through the ship's galley which was directly abreast it. We had some trouble with this door, which was a light one and was badly jammed by the explosion, but eventually broke it down and got the hose through. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

The cordite was blazing fiercely and was not easy to suppress.

The poor devils of the supply party were like moths in a candle. I went forward and found Lieutenant McCulloch, Sub Lieutenant Caslon, and Engineer Sub and some men handling the high pressure hoses. We were faced by a wall of flame, I believe it reached mast high. After what seemed like an hour - I believe it was only five minutes - we got it out and what a sight. Blackened bodies everywhere and feet of water swishing about. - Midshipman Gerald Norman

The aftermath of the fire as the casualties and corpses were brought out was stomach-churning.

We in the main wireless office could see the first aid parties passing our door, going to the aft deck carrying bodies and wounded. Laying them out and treating, where possible, the badly burned and shock cases. Some of the dead were so burned and mutilated as to be unidentifiable. The living badly burend cases were almost encased in wrappings of cotton wool and bandages with just slits for their eyes to see through, in fact, the few 'walking cases' who could wander about the after deck presented a grim, weird and ghoulish siight. - Wireless Telegraphist Frederick Arnold

In a narrow passage below decks, Surgeon Lieutenant Duncan Lorimer manned the aft distribution station with his medical party. Many of the burn casualties were brought to him, but there was little he could do in the worst cases but look on as they suffered.

Soon after our guns got going we felt a different concussion and soon the ship took a severe list to starboard. I could not help wondering how much damage was done, as, I have no doubt, all the rest of the party wondered. However, we were soon far too busy to think of anything but our job and a good thing too. The wounded began to come down in great numbers, mostly burns, and very bad burns they were, entailing very extensive dressings and of course morphia. I don't quite understand the immediate cause of death. We talk vaguely of shock, but I don't know that this explains it. A man will walk into the dressing station, or possibly be carried in, with face and hands badly scorched, not deeply burned, nor disfigured. One would call it a burn of the first degree. Very rapidly, almost as one looks, the face swells up, the looser parts of the skin become enormously swollen, the eyes are invisible through the great swelling of the lids, the lips enormous jelly like masses, in the centre of which, a button-like mouth appears. I have an idea that it must be due to the very high temperature of the burning cordite applied for a very short time. It is quite unlike any burns I have ever seen in civil life and would be very easily avoided by wearing asbestos gloves and masks, or similar anti-fire substance. The great cry is water, not much pain, and this is easily subdued by morphia. There is then great and increasing restlessness, breating rapid and shallow, and final collapse. The scorched areas are confined to the exposed parts: face, head, and hands, hair, beard and eyebrows burnt off. The skin of the hands, the whole epidermis including the nails, peels off like a glove. In many case one has to look twice to be certain that one is cutting off only skin, and not the whole finger. In very few cases does the burning appear to go any deeper than this. And yet they die and die very rapidly. Cases looking quite slight at first become rapidly worse and die in an appalingly short time. It is possible in such circumstances to try many remedies. Stimulants such a spirits and strychnine were useless. We had no time to transfuse. Whether it would have done any good I don't know. I doubt it, the end cam so rapidly in many cases. Brandy, hot bottles and drinks with, of course, the dressing of the cases and some operations were the utmost we could do. - Surgeon Lieutenant Duncan Lorimer

The gunroom steward rescued by Lieutenant Caslon was one of the walking wounded who succumbed in this fashion from his burns a few days later. Of the 121 men in the starboard battery, no fewer than 104 were killed or wounded.

At 17.35, just as this drama was starting to unfold, two more shells holed the Malaya below the water line, with consequences that could well have made all the heroics in the starboard battery irrelevant. The sea rushed in and flooded the neighbouring compartments, which caused a serious list of some 4 degrees which resulted in a slight, but significant, reduction in the ship's speed. As fast as possible the oil fuel was switched between fuel tanks to counterbalance the weight of the water and as far as possible correct the list. The Malaya needed every knot if she was to draw clear of the pursuing German dreadnoughts. In addition an oil fuel tank had also been penetrated, which corrupted the fuel supply to 'A' boiler. The water put out the burners and again speed was lost. The engine-room staff acted with considerable presence of mind as they diagnosed the fault and switched over to another fuel tank. Althougth the Malaya dropped a little further astern she regained her speed and kept her place in the line.

Despite all the alarums and hits, the second distinct phase of the battle of Jutland, subsequently known as the Run to the North, was characterized by the almost miraculous survival of the Fifth Battle Squadron. Yet British super-dreadnoughts were by no means quiescent victims. Through all their trials and tribulations, the Barham, Valiant, Warspite and Malaya distinguished themselves through the prowess of their magnificent gunnery as they continued to score repeated hits on the German ships that threatened them.

When Fleets Collide

From their perspective, the leading players in the drama were equally delighted to see the Grand Fleet. The sight of their old comrades from Scapa Flow was a welcome boost to the hard-pressed Fifth Battle Squadron.

At 6.10 the report was passed round the ship that the Grand Fleet was in sight and would shortly deply into action. This was extremely welcome news for matters were not looking too cheery for our squadron. It could hardly be hoped that we four ships could continue to engage the whole German Battle Fleet for much longer without sustaining very serious damage, to say the least of it. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

[re the explosion of HMS Defence] It was clearly witnessed from the ships of the Fifth Battle Squadron as they manoeuvered to fall in behind the emerging battle line of the Grand Fleet.

When I saw them I felt they were doomed. They were steaming at their utmost speed between the lines, endeavouring to get clear round us, ie round the end of the Grand Fleet, smoking very heavily, being continually straddled and frequently hit. They were soon on fire in several places, especially the Defence, but still they continued to fire to the very last. The Defence suddenly disappeared in an immense column of smoke and flame, hundreds of feet high. It appeared to be an obsolutely instantaneous destruction, the ship seeming to be dismembered at once. Wreckage continued to fall into the water for quite a considerable time after the explosion, but when the smoke cleared, there was absolutely nothing to be seen, where only a minute before had been the Defence. - Lieutenant Patrick Brind

The Marlborough was hit by a torpedo. Although almost right ahead of us I could just see her - she heeled right over to starboard and I thought she was going but in spite of this tremendous list she kept her place in the line. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Even the devastated starboard battery of the Malaya was called into urgent action to beat off the destroyers. They were all too aware of the threat they posed for even the super-dreadnoughts.

I must get as many guns going as possible, as the Germans are sending a destroyer attack down on us. So I returned to the battery and took a volunteer gun's crew from the port battery to No 1 starboard - No 6 starboard had escaped from the explosion and were able to man their own gun. I then returned to the gunnery control tower and arranged a curious system of control for the two guns - as all electrical circuits and most voice-pipes were destroyed. I called No 1 gun crew direct and gave orders; they had a messenger who ran across to a man in the port battery, passed the orders to him, he ran aft along the port battery, through the aft door and gave the orders to No 6 gun. When I returned to the gunnery control tower I found that the German destroyer attack had developed and could see the boats coming towards us. I think that there were about nine of them. The attack was met by our gunfire and also by the gunfire of some of our destroyers, who moved out from the rear of our line. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

These makeshift arrangements were pressed into service to allow the starboard battery to fire.

Caslon had returned to the starboard 6" control tower and I remember an ERA at No 1 shouting his orders down the wrecked starboard battery to me, who shouted them to No 6. We fired about five or six rounds and then, "Attack beaten off!" Of course Able Seaman Bright the gunlayer at No 1 said he had sunk his destroyer! Very likely he did! - Midshipman Gerald Norman

Certainly someone was successful in hitting one of the German destroyers as they closed in on the super-dreadnoughts.

Only one destroyer got within close range, although I think they all fired torpedoes. The one destroyer which came close got to within about 6,000 yards and was received with an overwhelming fire, in which was included two guns of my battery. Splashes were falling all around her like rain falling in a puddle of water. After about five minutes she was hit by several sheels at once and sank. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Night Action

The action [at 00.32 hours] could be clearly seen from the Fifth Battle Squadron further to the south.

Firing suddenly broke out and it was soon obvious that it was a destroyer attack on larger ships. The large ships were firing hard and a few minutes later one destroyer blew up. Then a lot of guns fired together and in the flash we saw that the large ships had cranes between the masts [ie German]. I was on the bridge at this time, as this was my night station and there was a general cry of, "Hun!" The same flash illuminated the destroyers also - I could see them lying quite close to the Germans - the one that blew up was the Turbulent and, as I watched, the next in line, the Petard was badly hit. Immediately afterwards the leading German ship put a searchlight on us - it was only on us for a few seconds, but at once he altered course right round to port, the whole line followed and were lost to sight. I don't know to this day what ships they were. We certainly thought they were battleships, but at night-time everything is distorted in regard to size and distance and they may have been the new cruisers, which also had cranes. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Just after dawn broke, when the whole horizon was clear, not a sign of an enemy anywhere, and suddenly out of the sky dropped a salvo of shell, about a mile from us. The Captain shouted, "Where are they? Where are they?" We learnt much later that it was merely the Revenge, who some 15 miles away, had fired at a Zeppelin! - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

After the Battle

We were employed in cleaning up the battery. The whole place was a shambles, with twisted iron and steel everywhere, even after the debris was cleared up and it was not put right until the ship was refitted. The nose of the shell which dealt this fearful destruction was found embbeded in a tin of biscuits in the canteen. It is now mounted on a wooden base and kept onboard as a relic. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Officers read the roll-calls, gaps were identified and they attempted to find out what had happended to their men.

In the afternoon we set course for Scapa and the men were fallen in and we mustered by the roll-call. I read the muster for the forecastle division, to which I was attached - it was a grim business, and I was glad when it was done. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

The precise effects of traumatic shock on the workings of the human mind remain a mystery, but it is certain that not everyone was able to accept their fate with the same degree of sanguine equanimity. Private John Harris had escaped from the flames sweeping through the starboard 6-inch battery aborad the Malaya, but he had still been badly burnt.

That night was indescribable. A long line of wounded and dying, stretcher bearers kept busy as men passed-out. Next night the officers gave up their beds for the wounded. The boy on my right kept saying. "I wish I was dead!" Someone said, "What's the matter with the kid?" So I aksed the boy and he replied, "My eyes are gone." Many of our charge loaders were blinded by ignited cordite charges. - Private John Harris, Royal Marine Light Infantry

The Malaya's surgeons carried on with complete and utter dedication. Transcending their normal physical limitations, by sheer strength of will they worked continuously until they finally dropped.

He and I were at it from the time we began, all that day, the following night, the following day, till the next night about 2am when I fell down. I had been feeling great pain in my legs, through standing in one place so long. Our helper worked in watches of four hours. I discovered that my legs and ankles were swollen like a case of severe dropsy. Fortunately it was at my last case that I collapsed, so we were able to get a rest. I had asked the wine caterer, who was one of our best helpers, to leave a double whisky behind the flowerpot in the wardroom. I could not walk and had to go the length of the ship on hands and knees - a jolly difficult thing it is to climb up and down ladders on your hands and knees! I got to the wardroom, collected the whisky, sank into a chair and lighted a cigarette. The next thing I remember was getting shaken up by some attendant to go to some case. The whisky was un-drunk, the cigarette had burnt my fingers. I had gone dead asleep.- Surgeon Lieutenant Duncan Lorimer

The men appreciated the superhuman efforts of their medical teams.

Our three doctors were wonderful. The terrible state of the wounded men made their task a very heavy one, and they were kept operating and bandaging for over 24 hours without ceasing. At the end of this time they were so overcome with sheer fatigue, that the last cases were bandaged with the doctors lying down beside the patient, for they could stand no longer. - Sub-Lieutenant Clifford Caslon

Surgeon Lieutenant Duncan Lorimer had come up on deck for the funerals. Like many witnesses, despite everything he had already seen he was deeply affected by the overwhelming sadness of the moment.

The ship had slowed down and there was a burial going on of the poor unrecognisable scraps of humanity from the explosion. I had been asked previously to try and identify Young and Cotton, but it was impossible. It was a gloomy scene, the grey sky, the grey sea, the stitched up hammocks, the padre with his gown blowing in the breeze. The 'Last Post' was sounded by the Marine buglers and our shipmates plunged into the sullen waters.- Surgeon Lieutenant Duncan Lorimer

Private John Harris, after enduring the awful conditions of the Malaya sick bay, was finally landed at the docks [Rosyth, near Edinburgh]. But by this time had become quite delirious.

After landing at base we were taken by hospital train to Queensferry. Ladies on the train handed out cigarettes. I kept shouting, "Pass up Lyddite, pass up shrapnel!" A lady put a spoonful of jelly in my mouth to shut it. One chap said, "Do you know who that lady was?" I said, "Haven't the slightest!" He said, "That was Lady Jellicoe!" - Private John Harris, Royal Marine Light Infantry

Private John Gower, also of RMLI, must have been on the same hospital train, which would have taken them just across the Forth Bridge as the Rosyth Naval Base is on the north side and Queensferry on the south. He died two weeks later, on June 10, and was buried at Ann's Hill Cemetery in Gosport. By this time his wife, Alice, was eight months pregnant with Vera.

The memorial card says Jack was 29, but he was born on Sept. 24, 1889, which makes him 26 when he died, which comes back to having lied about his age to get into the marines, not uncommon in those days. The date given is that of the actual battle, he died on June 10.

Photo right, sent from Australia, on the back: J. Gower near the middle of the right hand column. He was wounded, and commended for courage at Jutland in 1917 [sic] (HMS Malaya).
Died of wounds & burns at Scapa Flow [he died at Queensferry, Edinburgh] some 2 weeks later. Don't know where the chapel is exactly, but likely Thorncliffe, since this was HQ for the Blue Marines, which Jack was. [he was actually a 'Red Marine' which explains why family members who have searched Thorncliffe, near Folkestone, for the plaque were unable to find it].

According to the Marines Museum, the 'Blue Marines' were the artillery, based at Eastney Portsmouth - but RMLI is the Royal Marines Light Infantry based at Forton Barracks in Gosport, which is where Jack was - they were known as the Red Marines. The plaque may be in Gosport. The museum curator found a basic record and said the comments on the photo were wrong, the full service record is held at the national records office in Kew, Jack's is ADM 159/1-19 (Private PO/15138) - now all online.

The photo of the memorial plaque, above, shows that he was on board HMS Malaya (photo right), described as 'J. Gower PlcRMLI' - and that he was one of 65 men from that ship who died during the battle, or later from their wounds. The ships company was 925 (another source says 'Compliment 1,124 to 1300 approx.' which may have included the Marines). The ship was new, having been launched on March 18, 1915. One source says: "She took part in the Battle of Jutland and sustained eight hits, and took eight weeks for repairs." then went on to active service in WWII before being scrapped in 1948.

from the Commonwealth War Graves Commission:
Surname: GOWER, J ; Rank Private ; Service: PO/15138
Date Of Death: 10/06/1916 ; Age: 29
Regiment : Royal Marine Light Infantry; Unit Text: H.M.S. "Malaya."
Nationality : United Kingdom
Grave/Memorial Ref. : 48. 22938. Cemetery/Memorial Name : GOSPORT (ANN'S HILL) CEMETERY
Additional information: Son of Arthur Thomas and Elizabeth Ann Gower; husband of Alice Gower, of 6, Upper Mill Lane, Gosport, Hants.
Casualty Type: Commonwealth War Dead

Cemetery: GOSPORT (ANN'S HILL) CEMETERY
Country: United Kingdom; Locality: Hampshire
Historical Information: During both wars, Gosport was a significant sea port and Naval depot, with many government factories and installations based there, as well as the Haslar Naval Hospital. No 5 Squadron Royal Flying Corps were based at Gosport just before the outbreak of the First World War and during the Second World War the town acted as base to No 17 Group Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy Light Coastal Forces. Gosport (Ann's Hill) Cemetery contains 104 scattered graves from the First World War. A number of the 144 Second World War burials form a plot at the western end of the cemetery. 1 of these is an unidentified Merchant seaman. There are also 31 German burials, including 2 unidentified, and 1 Belgian burial in the cemetery.
No. of Identified Casualties: 279

• Jack's early life, before the Marines
• Jack's marriage, October 1913, and family
• Jack's Service Record
• Jack Gower in the Royal Marines
• The rest Jack's family in Australia